On the confrontation and cultural integration of the celts in the western roman empire

Auteurs / 7JEAN-PAUL GUILLAUMET Titre ? / 9Bibliographie de Miklós Szabó / 11DÁVID BARTUS Les manches de couteau à représentation de gladiateur de l’époque romaine / 27MICHEL BATS Les dédicants gaulois du sanctuaire d’Aristée de la chôra d’Olbia de Provence (Hyères, Var) connaissaient-ils le gallo-grec? / 51 TOMASZ BOCHNAK Les fourreaux chagrinés en Pologne / 55LÁSZLÓ BORHY COREG, Legio VII Claudia, Ala I Contariorum milliaria civium Romanorum – Neue Angaben zur Militärgeschichte von Brigetio: Spolien eines Steinkistengrabs aus dem Gerhát–Gräberfeld / 65 ZOLTÁN CZAJLIK Les possibilités de la prospection aérienne conventionnelle en Hongrie / 79NICOLA BIANCA FÁBRY Uno specchio con “Lasa” alata dalla necropoli di Monterenzio Vecchio nell’Appennino DÉNES GABLER Keltische Namen auf Sigillata – Töpferstempeln von pannonischen Fundorten / 105ALFRED HAFFNER Scheinbar unscheinbare Prunkgräber der Frühlatènezeit / 121GILBERT KAENEL Bracelets à oves creux sur le Plateau suisse / 133PÉTER KOVÁCS Turris Ferrata and emperor Probus’ death / 147FRANCISCO MARCO SIMÓN On the confrontation and cultural integration of the Celts in the western Roman MARC MAYER I OLIVÉ La presència d’honors de la dinastia Antonina a Tarraco / 159CLAUDE MORDANT–MAFALDA ROSCIO Variabilité des pratiques funéraires à la fin du Bronze moyen/Bronze final initial (XIVé-XIIIé s. av. J.C.) en France orientale, de l’Ile-de-France à l’Alsace / 169 PÁL RACZKY–ALEXANDRA ANDERS “A colourful message”: a special grave of the late neolithic Tisza culture / 193ZSIGMOND RITOÓK Poeta doctus / 203GILLES SAURON La Rankenfrau à Lepcis Magna / 213MARTIN SCHÖNFELDER Speisen mit Stil – zu einem latènezeitlichen Hiebmesser vom Typ Dürrnberg in der Sammlung des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums in Mainz / 223 DÁNIEL SZABÓ Éléments méditerranéens dans le répertoire de céramique de l’Îlot des Grandes Forges KÁROLY TANKÓ Late Iron Age Settlement in the Vicinity of Ménfőcsanak (Road no. 83 and LŐRINC TIMÁR Les reconstitutions possibles des constructions de l’Âge du Fer, découvertes à Ráckeresztúr / 261KATALIN VANDLIK La patère du Peintre de Femme-Éros / 273DANIELE VITALI Un elmo di bronzo tra le carte d’archivio di Giovanni Gozzadini / 277PAULA ZSIDI Eine Militärbüste aus Aquincum / 285 ON THE CONFRONTATION AND CULTURAL INTEGRATION
I. The Daily Mail of 11th June 2009 reports the finding in Citizens by Augustus;3 secondly, a Tiberian senate the vicinity of Maiden Castle (on Ridgeway Hill near decree of 16 CE abolishing Druidic practices, as well as Weymouth, Dorset), of a large trench six metres in diam- those of the uates and doctors;4 and finally, the total sup- eter containing some fifty bodies of headless warriors - pression of Druidism by Claudius, especially in forty-five skulls have been found-, some of whom had Britannia.5 had their limbs amputated.1 Archaeologists relate this However, the systematic nature of the persecution of find with the military operations conducted by the the Druids – and, in general, the contempt for them Roman legions in 43 CE, under the command of shown by Rome: Pliny compared them to magicians6 – Vespasian, the future emperor, during the Roman con- was due not so much to the specific nature of Celtic reli- quest of Britain in the reign of Claudius. Everything gion that they embodied better than any other element points to the idea that this was connected to a mass exe- (Suetonius was quite specific about the importance of the cution of Celtic warriors from the oppidum of Maiden Druid sanctuary on Mona -what is now Anglesey- at the Castle (one of the largest oppida in Europe) by Roman time of the expedition of Suetonius Paulinus),7 but more troops. But it was to be inhabited again in the 4th centu- especially to the structural role the Druids played in ry, as a Roman temple has been excavated there.
Celtic society, as teachers and oral transmitters of wis- I have chosen the Maiden Castle case to illustrate first dom, of kulturelle Gedächtnis, in short.8 It has been said the confrontation with the Celts and then their integra- that one of the most important features of early Roman tion into the Roman Empire (as the fourth-century culture in the western provinces was the absence of an temple in the same oppidum seems to show). Ironically, independent memory of the past before the Roman con- the macabre find on Ridgeway Hill documents, in the quest, unlike the situation in the Greek world.9 context of the Roman conquest of Britannia, how the Undoubtedly an essential factor in this shortfall was the Roman army used certain practices which the Graeco- dismantling of Druidism in Gaul and Britannia.
Latin writers saw as characteristic of the Celts: the Addressing problems of, first, confrontations with the beheading of defeated prisoners (the ‘ritual of the sev- Celts and then their integration into the Roman Empire ered heads’) is referred to particularly by Posidonius of means addressing issues connected with identity. A key Apamea via Strabo, Diodorus of Sicily, Livy and others.2 element in a social group’s self-identification is the In this aspect of the confrontation, a key feature is the boundary established to define who are ‘us’ in contrast, persecution of Druidism by the Roman authorities. The or opposition to ‘them’, and it is precisely this difference main points of this persecution are well known: firstly, the element that created identity,10 as may be seen today the prohibition of the Druidic priesthood to Roman with current identity conflicts. * A previous version of this paper in hommage to prof. M. Szabó was presented to the XIIIth Conference of the International Federation of the Societies of Classical Studies (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin) in August, 2009, within the section “Cultural Encounters and Fusions in the Roman Empire”.
1 The find was made during the works being carried out to build a highway in connection with the London Olympics <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1192353/Mass-war-grave-50-headless-bodies-Olympics-site.html>.
2 Diod., 5. 29; Strab., 4.4.5. This practice is excellently illustrated on Hispanic brooches showing horsemen and their mounts (ALMAGRO- GORBEA–TORRES 1999). See also Livy 10. 26 (battle of Clusium); 23.24 (decapitation of the Roman general Postumius by the Cisalpine Boii in 216 B.C.).; Hdt. 5.63-6 for Scythian parallels.
3 Suet., Diu. Claud., 25.5.
4 Pliny, HN 30.4.13: “. Tiberi Caesaris principatus sustulit Druidas eorum.”.
5 Suet., Diu.Claud., 25.5: “Druidarum religione apud Gallos dirae immanitatis et tantum ciuibus sub Augusto interdictam penitus aboleuit”. On the Druids: ZECCHINI 2002; GREEN 2005; BRUNAUX 2006.
6 Pliny, HN, 16. 95: “Nihil habent druidae – ita suos appellant magos – uisco et arbore, in qua gignatur, si modo sit robur, sacratius”.
7 Tac., Ann., 14.30.
8 ASSMANN 2006.
9 WOOLF 1996.
10 AMSELLE 1987, 485.
However, identity is expressed not only in the self- Let us summarise the essence of this portrayal.16 representation of the human group (as in the well-known 1) The dangerous superiority, manifest in the exces- passage of Herodotus),11 but also in how the group is sive size of the Gauls and, above all, in the vast mass that seen by others (the contrast, if you like, between an they made up, of the hundreds of thousands of combat- ‘emic’ and ‘etic’ identity). It is obvious that the two iden- ants that the strained Roman legions had to face. Also, tities do not coincide, and they are probably diametrical- the Celts’ clothes, the characteristic bracae, caused the contempt of the people of the toga. Cicero referred to the One factor that should constantly be born in mind is provincial witnesses against his client Fonteius as ‘giants that most of the documentation that we have from the with trousers’.17 Roman Empire, reflects the view of the Roman and 2) The institution of the single duel or combat, one of Greek elite. This is why it is so difficult to reconstruct the the ideals of the Celtic agonistic ethos, highlighted by identity of the pre-Roman peoples, as the natives had no sources for the Gauls as well as the Celtiberians,18 is in voice. Construction and disputation of identity are fac- clear contrast to the idea of war as a collective exercise tors linked fundamentally to power, the power of repre- of peasant-citizens, and thus corresponds to an earlier sentation. The Celts were barbaric – or the fourth-centu- cultural phase which by then had been replaced by the ry non-Christians, pagans – for the simple reason that use of the hoplite tactic in the Mediterranean states, in they could be categorised as such without their voices other words, by regular war subject to rules, as opposed to the guerrilla tactics typical of inferior peoples, such as As a rudimentary Greek inscription recently discov- the Celtiberians.
ered at the end of the Wadi Rum trail, in the south of 3) The leaving of the bodies of the dead warriors on Jordan, concisely and clearly reads: ‘The Romans always the battlefield to be devoured by birds of prey, in an win. So writes Lauricius. Salve, Zeno’.13 And it was the exposure ritual that shocked the Greeks who witnessed it Romans, like the Greeks before them, who outlined the in Hellas19 and which Silius Italicus and Aelian saw as typical of the Celtiberians.20 This ritual (in fact a heroic The Celts were barbarians par excellence in the eyes death which gave access to paradise, with the birds as of the Romans, following a previous idealised image psychopomps) was diametrically opposed to the Roman transmitted by Greek authors, characterised by their funus, and thus represented a feature of extreme bar- philohellenism. The sack of Rome in 390 BC and the barism to classical authors.
attack on Delphi in 279 BC, left a traumatic mark on the 4) The gruesome human sacrifices, a key element in collective psyche of both Romans and Hellenes. The the Romans’ disrespect for the Druidic religion.21 This importance of the Celts lies in the fact, rightly pointed matter, documented by certain archaeological finds but out by Momigliano,14 that it was, in fact, the conquest of much more exceptional than what the sources would their territories that enabled the consolidation of Rome have us believe,22 is fairly well known, and so I shall not The notion of barbarus was used by the Romans, like 5) The propensity towards drunkenness, highlighted the Greeks before them, to fabricate the negative of their by authors such as Plato and Diodorus of Sicily, and par- own positive image through the typification of ‘the ticularly Posidonius via Athenaeus of Naucratis.23 The stranger at the gate’.15 The image of the barbarian was ‘Celtic thirst’ for wine was a recurrent theme, motivating polarised in Rome into two essential directions: the feri- adventures and invasions, as shown by the myths of tas characterising the tribes of the north, and the uanitas Helicon and Arruns from Clusium. Orgeno-mesci, ‘the of the eastern barbarians. The Celt would be the prime drunks that kill’,24 because of the ecstatic rage promoted example of this feritas, embodied in the Germanus from by the drinking of wine, was the name of a Cantabrian 11 Hdt., 8.144.
12 MILES 1999, 5.
13 Quoted by MILES ibid.
14 MOMIGLIANO 1975, 60.
15 HAAROFF 1948.
16 MARCO SIMÓN 1993.
17 Cic., Font., 33; In. Pis., 53.
18 Diod., 5.29.2-3; Livy, 6.42.5.
19 Paus., 10. 21. 7.
20 Sil., Pun. 3.340-343; Ael., NA, 10. 22.
21 Diod., 5.32; Strab., 4.4.5; Pliny, HN, 16.96: ‘Druidae – ita suos appelant magos – …’.
22 MARCO SIMÓN 1999. See also GREEN 2001; ALFAYÉ VILLA 2009, 287–311.
23 Pl., Leg., 1. 637; Diod., 5.26.2-3; Ath., 4.36.
24 DELAMARRE 2001, 206 and 190.
6) A typical difference with the Mediterranean peoples may be observed in how they counted time: the Celts (and also the Germani, according to Tacitus)25 reckoned time not by days, but by nights.26 This ‘natio- nal’ reckoning of time may be seen in the Gallic calendar from Coligny, which documents the survival of Druidic science almost two and a half centuries after Caesar’s 7) Sources emphasise the strong role played by women in Celtic society, and their activity was the direct opposite of the polis of the men. The so-called matri- archy of the Cantabrians and other tribes of the north of Hispania as reported by Strabo,28 or the importance of Boudicca, queen of the Iceni in Britannia, are two clear This pattern of the Celtic immanitas provided by the Graeco-Latin literary output, with regard to nature and war, is matched in iconographic images, in a coherent system of representing other peoples, and which also serves to justify domination as being ‘natural’. This is Pl. 1: The pillaging Celts. Frieze from Civit’alba (Umbria).
the case with the theme of the pillaging Gaul pursued by Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche, Ancona (after the god whose sanctuary he has just looted, to be found in Italy on various media, and which is best illustrated on the terracotta frieze of Civit'alba, in Umbria (pl. 1), tion or pacification would have referred to the taming or housed in the Museo Civico of Bologna).30 The other softening (mollescere) of barbarian customs. Justin, for iconographic theme of interest here is that of victory example, pointed out that the Hispani, who were the over the Celt, found on the Pergamene trophies that were most indomitable of the barbarians, came into contact, to mark the artistic topos in the Hellenistic and Roman thanks to the Romans, with hot water to wash themselves world, or in the decoration of the Roman triumphal archs with.33 Most of us are familiar with passages by Strabo in which he writes of the stolátoi or togátoi, in other words, II. On one of the reliefs of the arch at Glanum, dating natives who had chosen the typical clothing of humani- from the first century CE, we see a ‘Gallo-Roman’ tas.34 The toga was, of itself, the costume that distin- dressed in a toga, pushing towards civilisation one of his guished the citizenship.
countrymen who is portrayed in his typical barbarian In these identity changes, by now to be seen in the nakedness.32 This image can serve to illustrate the ‘iden- realm of personal names through the adoption of the tria tity transformation’ brought about in parallel with the nomina, it was the native aristocracies who played a integration of Celtic tribes into the new framework of leading role in a process involving the adoption of the romanitas. This was a long, complex and heterogeneous most significant elements identifying romanitas; and process that did not simply involve the adoption by the once citizenship had been granted, the swearing of loyal- native population of the new Roman socio-cultural order, ty (fides) to the emperor in a series of ‘rituals of consen- but was also manifest in the creation of a new order that sus’, and the performance of municipal magistracy duties or in the new priesthoods of emperor-worship were ele- This ‘integration’ was explained by the Graeco-Latin ments that undoubtedly helped to reinforce his power.35 authors in terms of ‘civilisation’, and terms that appeared In the integration of the barbarian Celts into the impe- in both Latin and Greek to define the process of integra- rial and cultural structure of Rome, religion played an 25 Tac., Germ., 11.2.
26 Caes., BGall., 6.18.
28 Strab., 3.4.17.
29 Tac., Ann., 14.35; Dio Cass., 62.5.
31 MARSZAL 1991.
32 CLAVEL-LÉVÉQUÉ–LÉVÉQUÉ 1982, 694–695.
33 Just., Epit., 44.2.1–6; see GROS 1998, 145.
34 Strab., 3.2.15.
35 MARCO SIMÓN 2007a.
essential role, as was to be expected in a multicultural element, nemeton, which was the designation of a place society such as the Roman, where religious identity was of worship par excellence in the Celtic world).40 These inextricably linked with ethnic and political identity. We names of capitals of civitates were similar to those that can find one example of the importance of religion as a appeared with the component –briga in Hispania: for system of communication36 in the fact that dedications in example, Augustobriga in Lusitania and Tarraconensis, temples, on altars and other sacred structures accounted Caesarobriga in Lusitania, Iuliobriga and Flaviobriga for half of the building inscriptions in the western among the Cantabrians.
provinces, with most of the dedicators being local bene- As we learn from the example of the epistle from the Saborenses of Baetica, in which they proposed to Alist from Ancyra with the names of the priests of Rome Vespasian an adaptation of the name of the city to and the divine Augustus shows that they were apparently include that of the imperial house as an epithet, as a gen- Celts, as was the case with the altar priests of the Three eral rule it was the local authorities of the peregrine cities Gauls in Lugudunum. We do not know in these cases – as who chose the names, with imperial approval.41 With the in other cases – to what extent the individuals concerned adoption of these mixed names, it was a case, on the one experienced ‘cognitive dissonance’ (the existence of insuf- hand, of integrating the cities into the world dominated ficent relationships between cognitions, which applies to by Rome, and on the other, of linking these names, via situations that lead to notions in conflict within a given set the second of the components, with ancestral tradition.42 of beliefs),37 but there is no doubt that they had little prob- At other times, this integration came about with the lem in resolving the anomalies in their identity. adoption of a specific identity myth. A clear example is An example of how the same characters can hold both Patavium, today Pavia, a city belonging to the Enetii, and the old and the new priestdoms in these integration homeland of Livy. According to Strabo, there were two processes is an inscription from Mâcon (Saone-et-Loire, theories about the origin of the city: one claimed that it France), formerly Matisco, in the territory of the Aedui, belonged to the Celts in the north of Italy, but another mentioning C. Sulpicius Gallus, who was granted the suggested that the city had been founded by Antenor and honour by the ordo of Matisco of public statues being the Eneti of Paphlagonia.43 This second identity, particu- erected, in recognition of his exemplary citizenship.38 larly the connection with Antenor, was highly signifi- Sulpicius Gallus, who had been a duumvir quin- cant, as it meant that Patavium was related to Rome via quennlis, is an Augustan flamen, first priest (primoge- a common ancestral link with Troy.44 nius) of the god Moltinus and gutuater of Mars Vltor.
The changes in identity may also be seen at other lev- The term gutuater (‘father of the voice’) was used to des- els. For example, the new religious order would be physi- ignate a traditional priest of the Gauls.
cally expressed by new sacred monuments which, as with Other changes came about in the names of towns. the case of the Britons and the temple of Claudius at Typical, particularly in Gaul, were mixed Romano-Celtic Camulodunum (Colchester), as we are told by Tacitus, names, the first component being Latin (Augusto-, would sometimes be considered a symbol of Roman impe- Caesaro-, Iulio-), and the second Gaulish. They were all rialist domination (‘quasi arx aeternae dominationis’).45 used to name capitals of civitates.39 One of the best The National Archaeological Museum in Madrid has a known was Augustonemetum, today Clermont-Ferrand, a bronze statuette, from the Pyrenees (probably from the place which was to replace Gergovia as capital of the area of the Tarbelli), which combines the typical ele- Arverni (literally, ‘the sanctuary of Augustus’, with an ments of the Augustan Mars Vltor with characteristic 36 BENDLIN 1997; RÜPKE 2001.
37 FESTINGER 1957.
38 CIL XIII 2585: [In honorem]? C(aii). Sulp(icii). M(arci). Fil(ii), Galli omn[nib]us / honoribus apud suos f[u]nc[ti] / dunvir(i). q(uinquenalis). flaminis Aug(usti) p[rim]ogen[ii] / dei Moltini gutuatri Martis] / Vl[toris]. cui ordo quod ess[e]t civ[is] / optimus et innocentissimus / statuas publ(ice). ponendas decr[evit].
39 BEDON 1999, 252ff.
40 Equally illustrative were Augustoritum (Limoges), Augustodunum (Autun) and Augustodurum, Caesarodunum (Tours), Augustobona (Troyes) and Iulobona (Lillebonne), Iuliomagus (Angers), Augustomagus (Senlis) or Caesaromagus (Beauvais).
41 CIL II 1423: Imp. Cae[s]. Vespasianus Aug. pon|tifex maximus, tribuniciae | potestatis VIIII, imp. XIIX, consul | VIII, p(ater) p(atriae), salutem dicit IIIIuiris et || decurionibus Saborensium. | Cum multis difficultatibus infirmita|tem uestram premi indicetis, per|mitto uobis oppidum sub nomine meo, ut | uoltis, in planum extruere. Vecti||galia, quae ab diuo Aug. accepisse dici|tis, custodio ; si qua noua adicere uol|tis, de his proco(n)s(ulem) adire debebitis, ego | enim nullo, respondente constitu|ere nil possum. Decretum uestrum || accepi VIII ka. August.: legatos dimi|si IIII ka. easdem. Valete. | IIuiri C. Cornelius Seuerus et M. Septimi|us Seuerus publica pecunia in aere | inciderunt (after GIRARD–SENN 1977, 433–434, n. 7).
42 BEDON 1999, 155-156.
43 Strab., 5.1.4.
44 LAURENCE 1998, 104-105.
45 Tac., Ann., 14.31.4.
III. I would like to conclude with a couple of Hispanic examples regarding the ambiguities and ambivalence of the new expressions of identity that arose in the Romano-Celtic world of the western provinces of the empire. This ambivalence has been interpreted as an expression of the ‘hidden transcriptions’ of a subtle resistance to the models of romanitas.49 The adoption of Latin language was part of the ‘ideo- logical package’ of the romanitas. Latin had practical advantages over the indigenous language because it was a vehicle to obtain political, economical and social opportunities, and to gain also ‘symbolic capital’,50 which explains its voluntary adoption for reasons of con- venience: the more you increased your Latin ‘word power’, the greater was your prestige in the community. But thanks to inscriptions51 we know that some indi- viduals, in spite of knowing Latin, consciously chose to express themselves through written vernacular lan- guages, and we wonder why. An important Lusitanian rock inscription from Lamas de Moledo (Castro Daire, Viseu, Portugal) starts with a Latin sentence and then alludes to the sacrifice of several animals to indigenous deities in the Lusitanian language: Rufinus et/Tiro scrip/serunt/ Veamnicori/ Doenti/ Angom/ Lamaticom/ Crouceai maga/ Reiagoi/ Petravioi T/adom Porgom Why did they choose to use the(ir?) vernacular lan- guage instead of Latin to record the sacrificial formula? We could see these hybrid inscription as representing “indigenous people expressing conflicting identities in Pl. 2: Bronze statue of Mars Tricornis from the Pyrenees.
the process of change” (in a typical case of “cognoscitive Museo Arqueológico Nacional de Madrid (photo: F. Marco dissonance”, using a Festinger’s expression). But other hypothesis is to think that the text was written in the native tongue because that was the sacred traditional lan- features of the ancestral religious cosmology of the guage and the people who commissioned these inscrip- Gauls – the bull and triplicity – amply documented tions feared the loss of efficacy of the ritual if translated through literary, epigraphic linguistic and, above all, into Latin.53 iconographic sources of the western provinces of the The second example is taken out from Celtiberia.
Roman Empire in connection with a Celtic sub-layer. Pottery was the preferred medium for iconography in This three-horned Mars46 (pl. 2) is an excellent example Celtiberia and central Spain, and this was in contrast to of the processes of interpretatio:47 the Gallo-Roman the more western areas of Indo-European Hispania or to elites displayed, on the one hand, the adaptation of a tra- the Gallo-Roman world, where sculpture predominates.54 ditional world view to the new situation defined by the The absence of scenes of daily life and female images presence of Rome, and on the other, loyalty and adher- on Celtiberian pottery shows that the iconography did ence to the new ideals of romanitas.48 not present an image of society itself but that rather it was metaphorical projection of social imagery which 46 MARCO SIMÓN 2006.
47 WEBSTER 1995; SPICKERMANN 1996; MARCO SIMÓN 1995–2005; ANDO 2006; CADOTTE 2007.
48 MARCO SIMÓN 2005.
50 BOURDIEU 1991.
51 On the religious dedications in the Graeco-Roman World see now BODEL–KAJAVA 2009.
52 UNTERMANN 2002, 73-74.
53 See ALFAYÉ VILLA–MARCO SIMÓN 2007, 298-299.
54 For the statues of the “Gallaico-Lusitanian warriors” see now VV. AA. 2003. Sculptures of the verracos (boars and bulls) from Vettonia: RUIZ ZAPATERO–ÁLVAREZ SANCHÍS 2008, with references.
constructed and used images to create “historical memo- ry”.55 And it did so by giving preference to some basic topics: war, the otherworldly voyage, the manifold world of ritual and what we might call a “cosmogony level” in which hybrid figures and fantastic beings were of key I would like to underline something that I feel is important: it was after the Roman conquest of Celtiberia and the centre of the Peninsula, and not before, that the expression of traditional imagery on ceramics came to full fruition. In my opinion, these glorious images were an identity statement in times of Roman rule. The Numantia pottery show scenes of warriors’ corpses being devoured by birds of prey under images of suns, and on a funeral urn from Uxama the human head is shown clearly inside the bird’s body, almost certainly alluding to the ascension of the warrior’s spirit mentioned in the This visual history, albeit fragmented, was ironically Pl. 3: Numantia: warrior’s corpse devoured by vulture under most noticeable in the new context of Romanisation, in solar disk (after Taracena). Museo Numantino, Soria (SOPEÑA iconographies, unconventional and opposed to romanitas for their symbolic content as well as for their style,57 in images which, by calling on ancestral historical memo- ry,58 acted as plurivocal and flexible elements in the con- struction of the new Romano-Celtic identities.
56 MARCO SIMÓN 2008.
58 MARCO SIMÓN 2007b.
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römischen Germanien, Rätien und Noricum. In: H. Cancik– J. Rüpke (eds.): Römische Reichsreligion und Provinzial- MILES 1999 = R. Miles: Introduction. Constructing Identities in Late Antiquity, In: ID., Constructing Identities in Late UNTERMANN 2002 = J. Untermann: A epigrafia em lingual lusi- Antiquity, London–New York 1999, 1-15.
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Limits of Hellenization. Cambridge 1975. VV. AA. 2003 = VV. AA.: Die lusitanisch-galläkischen OLMOS ROMERA 2005 = R. Olmos Romera: Iconografía celt- Kriegerstatuen. Tagung des Deutschen Archäologischen ibérica. In: A. Jimeno (ed.): Celtíberos: tras la estela de Instituts, Abteilung Madrid, am 18./19. Januar 2002 in RUIZ ZAPATERO-ALVAREZ SANCHÍS 2008 = G. Ruiz Zapatero–J. WEBSTER 1995 = J. Webster: Interpretatio: Roman Power and Alvarez Sanchís: “Los verracos y los vettones”. In Celtic gods. Britannia 26 (1995) 153-161.
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Source: http://www.grupohiberus.es/biblioteca/marco7.pdf

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